Critical discourse analysis is a branch of discourse analysis that studies language as a social practice related to power and ideology. One of the pioneers of this approach is Norman Fairclough. In his opinion, critical discourse analysis is a method that is used along with other methods to investigate social and cultural changes. Fairclough studies critical discourse analysis at three levels in discourse analysis. 1- description 2- Interpretation 3- Explanation. the researcher analyzes the text as a part of the process of social struggle in power relations. The results of the research indicate that Aswani expresses many discourses and types of events by using words and structures such as pronouns, opposites, repetition, etc. At the level of interpretation, it examines the conditions and type of discourse and states that this novel reflects the political and social currents before and after the revolution of January 25, 2011 in Egypt, and the author has described the events of the society and different political, social and cultural classes. It explains the conflict between them and their thoughts. At the level of explanation, it reflects the type of power and ideology that Hosni Mubarak's dictatorship is, and the events of the January revolution, such as; The protest against Khaled Saeed's assassination and martyrdom reflects the anger and the corrupt society with a critical tone. The dominant idea in the novel is the struggle against the dictatorial government through demonstrations, especially in Tahrir Square, and the awakening of the Egyptian people.

The victory of Iran Islamic Revolution and the experience of religious government provided the ground for the practical presence of political jurisprudence in various political and social areas. It caused jurisprudence to confront with numerous novel questions in variously internal and external areas as well as micro and macro ones and to utilize all its potential to answer those questions through the approach of comprehensive management of system. This article is an endeavor to investigate the way of the effect of this great occurrence on political jurisprudence of Shi'ah. Moreover, via looking at the effects of experience of system on the political jurisprudence and its alteration in sources, it would be emphasized the way of jurisprudence survey and the way of the presence of jurists in finding new grounds as well as the effect on the quantitative and qualitative extent of jurisprudence survey.

Iran's constitution indicative of quantitative and qualitative properties of all institutions and the comprehensive occasions of Iran's society has been considered as the main outcome of long battles of Iran nation via the leadership of jurisdiction of time, departed Imam, against all the anti- Islamic manifestations and it presents the practical framework of the plan of Islamic government on the basis of jurisdiction mentioned by Imam Khomeini during the years prior to revolution.Moreover, this constitution is considered as a great model for the deprived people who hope to see the establishment of a system and a government on the basis of the anti (social) class positions and individual or collective domination and it is a crystallization of ideals of the nations under domination during the history.This article is to discuss the dimensions of the reason for Imam's endeavor to establish the constitution as well as the consequences followed along with this decision. The value of this analysis is to inform the groups and political trends present in the society towards the mentioned goals, so that they can find out the importance of the principle of preservation of constitution and commitment to it as a national charter and a guide to the political behaviors and theories.4 In this regard, every action or thought which spoil the authority of this lawful institution would be condemned according to Imam's logic.Therefore, the author has analyzed in two levels the existence philosophy of constitution in Imam's conduct under the title of the reason for the compilation of constitution on the basis of the theory of intellectual election as well as the reason for its compilation based of political-religious necessities.

The fulfillment of social justice has been constantly the concern of the states after the Islamic Revolution, whereas during the last three decades, this issue has encountered with a lot of theoretical and applied challenges. Consequently, it should be responded to this fundamental question concerning the main theoretical challenges dealing with the social justice in the discourse dominant on the states of Islamic Republic of Iran. In this regard, the recommended hypotheses would be the void of a deep concept for the social justice, as well as the theoretical unanimity pertaining to the social justice among the statesmen, restiveness, divergence and lack of constant existence of social justice in the discourse of Islamic republic being considered as the main challenges of this debate.Utilizing an analytical approach, the study has described the divided intellectual trends of the discourse dominant on the states of Islamic Republic. Afterward, critically evaluating through the amount of length and complexity, theoretical unanimity and perseverance, it has been investigated the theoretical flaws of the aforementioned discourse on the basis of which the main challenges are as follow: lack of comprehensive, acceptable and unanimous theory related to the social justice among the statesmen on the basis of Islamic principles and bases, a superficial and unilateral view along with the excess and defect which has lessen the comprehensive concept to the dimensions of lower importance, restiveness, divergence and discontinuance of social justice in the discourses of Islamic Republic.The aforementioned challenges has taken place due to the void of a united meaning for it as well as the presentation of various interpretations by the states according to the individual and collective tastes and interests.

The major purpose of this article is to consider the sort of the developed identity for the system of Islamic Republic of Iran in view of the constructivism theory of international relationships and to investigate the identity roles of this country in the present and future. Therefore, inspiring from the idea of constructivists concerning identity issue, it would be stated in this article that the existent norms in the regional-Islamic culture emphasizing on Shiite element is considered as the most significant inter-mental sources strengthening the identity of Islamic Republic of Iran system in the internal level which would be the source of the generation of some kind of “revolutionary- Islamic identity” for this country.Through developing and defining particular roles for this state, this identity generates a behavior, direction, and particular policy making prescriptions in the diverse domains of foreign policy and cooperation with the other states in the past, present and future. On the other hand, this revolutionary-Islamic identity on the basis of its strengthening idealistic sources has concurrently included diverse national and international parts for the state of Islamic Republic of Iran in the specific times.On the basis of these very identity characteristics, it could be predicted the behavior and benefits of this country in the future. Accordingly, following the definition of identity in view of constructivism theory, it has been investigated the inter-mental sources giving genesis to the identity of Islamic Republic of Iran system in the internal level and emphasizing on the Islamic instructions and the developed identity parts for this country in the present and the future as well.

The outfit of clergy in our society has been gradually given a symbolic identity and changed into a symptom. So it is considered as a significant referring to some significations. Being inspired by Saussure’s semiologic approach, the author of the article has endeavored to make the "synchronic" concept understood among people, groups and societies through the interpretation of its "diachronic" meaning in the three traditional, transformational and modern statuses of clergy in the contemporary Iran.The findings of research demonstrates that within the transverse coordinate and focusing on the level of religions and communities, the outfit of Shiite clergy is not the outfit of people who are mediator of God and human and in charge of grouping ceremonies and idolatries. Since In Islam against the other religions, there exist grouping idolatries with no obstacle and intermediary between God and human and within the longitudinal coordinate from Safavid until Islamic republic period, this outfit has been considered a political and cultural significant stating extensive revolutions in the relational pattern of Shiite clergy and people.

In the modern world, various movements under the name of women and for women are active all around the world, which have motivated international institutions and intellectuals to support and rebuild women’, s status in social life. The output and product of these movements are international documents and commitments on women that have imposed requirements on governments and nations. One of the most crucial of these documents is the “, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women”, , the evaluation and rethinking of which is of fundamental and strategic significance and places a responsibility on individuals and institutions. Therefore, focusing on prohibitions and sanctions is not a way forward and it is essential to provide alternative solutions and models in this regard. The present research, using the descriptive-analytical method, has provided a sociological explication of the reasons for the Islamic Republic of Iran’, s forbearance and refusal to accept the provisions of the Women’,s Convention. According to the results of the research, considering that the laws and regulations of each country are the manifestation and application of the fundamentals and principles governing that society and that the intellectual fundamentals governing Western countries and international organizations are based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the full similarity and equality between men and women’, s rights, the introduction and provisions of the Women’, s Convention are also founded upon this attitude and remarkably different from the intellectual fundamentals and principles governing Islamic countries. Furthermore, the indicators of women’, s development in various areas, such as educational, instructional, economic, and social ones reveal that the Islamic Republic of Iran has achieved a local model without the need for Western development indicators for women’, s advancement in various fields.

Authors of this article have initially reviewed the constitution and its capacities concerning one of the highest levels of participation namely the presidency and have finally organized the process of research through the study of foundations and documents of different ideas in the field of women's political participation generally and women's presidency particularly with an emphasis on the nature of presidency in the existing constitution taking welayat-e faqih into account. This article studies and criticizes evidences put forth by opponents of women's presidency explaining the nature of presidency in a system built upon the idea of welayat-e faqih and it has been emphasized that in the light of political thought of Islam, women's presidency especially in the current structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran does not entail a constraint from the viewpoint of shari'ah rather the constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran, from the viewpoint of its foundations and the trend of its ratification as well as discourse capacity of article no.115, has secured an especial potential to consider and recognize this right.

There are various verses in the Holy Quran that prohibit Muslims from establishing any relationships with non-Muslims. This matter has been caused the creation of this doubt that the Quran has offended non-Muslims and accordingly, it is imagined that the Quran includes an immoral and offensive matter. Reflecting on the content of the verses under discussion and explaining them precisely, it will be clarified that Muslims are prohibited from establishing friendship with those people who are against them as enemy and try to irritate and annoy them while being good to the people who are not in adverse relationships with Muslims being emphasized by the Quran. In this regard, being a Muslim does not matter. The Quran’s recommendation on prohibiting form friendship with polytheist parents does not imply to disrespect them but it only means not to obey them in the affairs related to religion. In addition, Muslim parents are recommended to turn away from accepting their children’s requests which may cause injustice to others.